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The China Policy Institute (CPI) is a major centre of expertise on contemporary China and is explicitly outward-facing, drawing on a network of Internal and Non-Resident Senior Fellows to engage with a range of stakeholders in government, business, civil society and the media.
Our network of academic China specialists facilitates evidence-based policy and decision-making through a program of engagements and dialogues.
Written by William Hurst.
In his Independence Day Speech, on 17 August 1964, Sukarno famously declared the start of what he called the "Year of Dangerous Living". In the 14 months following that speech, Indonesia was indeed rocked by violent struggles between parties and factions with competing Communist, religious, and right-wing militarist visions for its future, even as Sukarno embarked upon his most radical foreign policy initiatives within Southeast Asia and in withdrawing from important multilateral bodies and organisations. The culmination of all this, of course, was the coup and counter-coup, beginning on 30 September 1965, that led to Sukarno's fall, Suharto's seizure of power, and the inauguration of his "New Order" regime that went on to hold power for more than three decades.
Written by Andreea Brînză.
In 2009, at China's version of Davos, the Bo'ao Forum, a Chinese scholar advocated for setting up a regional bank that will accelerate the development of Asian countries by closing the infrastructure gap in Asia. The proposed name of the bank was the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and, eight years later, its fate would be tied not only to China and Asia, but also to Europe, Africa, Australia and even the Americas. The six continents are now encompassed by the AIIB (Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), which was brought to life under the leadership of Chinese President Xi Jinping, as a bank that would alleviate poverty from Asia especially through investments in infrastructure.
Written by Yu Tao.
China is generally considered the only major ally of North Korea, a regime viewed around the world as cruel, evil, and backward. But whatever the government in Beijing might think of its troublesome neighbour on the other side of the Yalu River, many Chinese people have developed a rather cooler attitude.
For some time now, China's official discourse has framed its relation with North Korea as comradely and brotherly. This closeness goes back decades; even modest estimates say that during the Korean War of 1950-3, when China backed North Korea, well over 100,000 soldiers lost their lives. Most were young men in their early 20s, and some of their remains were only returned to China very recently.
Written by Miriam L. Campanella.
China's economic strength often is referred to $3 trillion in foreign currency reserves. Piled up since the 90s with the start of the new economic policy, the composition of this wealth is made up by 70 percent (or $2.3 trillion) in U.S. dollar assets. Yet, if China were planning for a sell-out, the Fed's zero-bound interest rate and a depreciating dollar, would earn China very little of these riches.
At the turn of the Fed's monetary policy, what seemed like the China's dollar trap, as Krugman put it, turned a game changer. In 2015 at the announcement of the Federal Reserve planning the dollar rate lift, and the expected inclusion of the RMB in the IMF SDR, China's policymakers activated the RMB foreign exchange rate reform, where selling-out FX reserves was a functional measure to delinking the RMB from the US dollar, and a means to intervene in the markets to stem-off likely capital outflows.
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The institute is part of the University's Governance and Public Policy Research Priority Area.
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