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The China Policy Institute (CPI) is a major centre of expertise on contemporary China and is explicitly outward-facing, drawing on a network of internal and non-resident senior fellows to engage with a range of stakeholders in government, business, civil society and the media.
Our network of academic China specialists facilitates evidence-based policy and decision-making through a program of engagements and dialogues.
Written by Wei-chin Lee.
OTerritorial disputes over the South China Sea (SCS) have been a series of never-ending dramas. While the recent call by the US, Japan, and allies to produce a legally binding Code of Conduct (CoC) represents a positive confidence-building measure, any hope that it may constrain China’s moves in the SCS might be wishful thinking.
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) Arbitral Tribunal’s decision in July 2016 was intended to set up a legal perimeter for dispute resolution in the region. However, China’s policy of non-acknowledgement of the Tribunal’s jurisdiction, non-participation in its proceedings, and non-acceptance of its decision and prescription have made judicial resolution of the SCS dispute an impossible mission.
Written by Yuning Wu and Ivan Sun.
Lei Yang, a 28-year-old state employee and an alumnus of a prestigious Chinese university, was declared dead less than two hours after detained by the police, allegedly on suspicion of soliciting a prostitute. The initial police claim that Lei had suffered a heart attack quickly fell apart, with an autopsy showing that he had suffocated on his own vomit, resulting from five police officers choking him and stomping on his face. Lei’s case stirred immediate and widespread public outcry on social media, questioning police abuse of power, brutality, and government corruption despite tightened governmental censorship. When even a middle-class, well-educated Chinese citizen became a victim of the uncontrollable power of the police, both discontent and fear ran high among the populace who has all too well understood their insignificance in front of the powerful state apparatus.
Written by Salman Rafi Sheikh.
China’s march into Europe with its massive Belt and Road Initiative has been far from smooth, in contrast to its path in Africa and Asia. In fact, it increasingly appears that the BRI, as the initiative is known, has failed to gain any traction.
Instead of the warm welcome issued by Asian leaders, Europe is in the middle of restricting China’s advances. Germany, France and Italy have set in motion new ways to prevent a proverbial ‘Chinese takeover’ of Europe, raising fears that could thus break up the EU. There is ample reason to be concerned, if the experience in Southeast Asia is any example, where Chinese investment and aid have resulted in neutering the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Cambodia and the Philippines, the beneficiaries of major amounts of funds, have chosen to thwart western attempts led by the United States to keep the South China Sea from turning into a Chinese lake.
Written by Margaret K. Lewis.
My bicycle kickstand was stolen in Shanghai in 1996. I found the situation somewhat amusing, and I soon purchased a replacement - or perhaps the same one - from the repairman down the street. The incident was a reminder that crime in China, as in other countries, is generally local. While most thefts, assaults, and other run-of-the-mill cases do not cross borders, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly reaching outside its territory.
Largely fueling international engagement is the desire to repatriate suspects wanted as part of sustained anti-corruption efforts that sound akin to James Bond movie titles, Sky Net and Fox Hunt. Yet suspects wanted for telecommunications fraud and other crimes are also on Beijing’s wanted list.
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